At a time when an established democracy, such as the Netherlands, is moving towards restricting individual freedoms by attempting to impose a ban against women's head scarves at universities and public administration, Turkey, a newcomer into the democratic club, has moved in the opposite direction. Last week, the Islamic-oriented government of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has once again proved its commitment to democracy and individual rights. Turkish lawmakers voted overwhelmingly in favour of a measure supported by the ruling Islamic party to change the constitution in a way that "will guarantee all citizens the right to go to college regardless of how they dress".
The ban was imposed in the late 1990s at the behest of the army and the secular elite, fearing that the growing number of covered women in colleges threatened secularism, one of the founding principles of modern Turkey. The battle for lifting the ban was not easy; yet it was fought responsibly and with a great deal of patience and wisdom. Indeed, the army and the secular opposition are unlikely to give in easily. They have already threatened to take the amendment to the Constitutional Court. They have also mobilised tens of thousands of secular Turks to protest against the government on the streets of the capital, Ankara. Yet, as long as opinions are expressed peaceful, as the case has so far been, Turkey will be moving steadily in the right path towards democracy.
Many have suggested that the battle over the ban on women's head scarves has been grossly exaggerated. It is not for the Turks, secular and Islamist. The ban has for long been a thorn in the side of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). It has the perverse effect of keeping devoutly religious women out of higher education. For the Westernised elite, it is seen as a symbol of the secular legacy of modern Turkey's founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. In addition, the battle was never about the head scarf solely. It was part of an amendment package proposed by the AKP to put the country on a liberal constitutional course. Changes include vesting sovereignty in the people, not the state, and acknowledge that the category "Turkish" encompasses people of all ethnicities - implicitly including Kurds, whose separate identity has long been suppressed. In this context, lifting the head-scarf ban could be seen as just another step toward religious liberty.
Unique model
In fact, ever since the ascendance of the ruling AKP to power in November 2002, Turkey has been consolidating its democratic credentials, presenting itself as a unique model of a Muslim nation ruled by democratic means. It has shown that liberal values and Islam are not only compatible but complementary. The audience for this message includes Europe, which for historical reasons has been too sceptical about accepting a Muslim nation in its rank.
There is a more important audience, however: the Muslim world. The rising global Islamist movement is embroiled in its own epochal debate about whether an authentically Islamic government can and must respect individual freedoms and the equality of all citizens. The best possible refutation of the claim that Islam and democracy are incompatible would be to point to an existing government where liberal and Islamic values work together.
Indeed, secular Turks might be concerned that the AKP might exploit the significant power it holds, controlling Parliament, the presidency and the prime ministry, to impose its own conservative values on Turkey. The military, which sees itself not only as the protector of secularism but of traditional Turkish nationalism, might be also wary of any major liberalising changes. They must not, however, disturb the democratic process as long as the Islamists are respecting the rules of the game and reflecting the consent of the majority. So far, the AKP has succeeded in its attempts to balance liberal democracy, Islam and secularism. If this process is allowed to run its course, it would indeed have far-reaching consequences for the entire region.
Dr Marwan Kabalan is a lecturer in media and international relations, Faculty of Political Science and Media, Damascus University, Syria.
