For the first time in many years, the Pakistan society is as king itself correct questions and finding faults with it for not raising them earlier: Why did it lose democracy and why did it allow the military to entrench itself?
The popularly-elected government has brought democracy in its wake. The lawyers' Long March is for strengthening it, although it is assuming political overtones. That Nawaz Sharif is joining it may develop into a confrontation with the government which has his Muslim League as a coalition partner. The movement reminds me of our independence struggle, irrepressible and relentless. Much will depend on how wide is the participation in the Long March.
The future is not yet certain. After the Bangladesh war in 1971, I thought the humiliated military would never dare to come back. I even asked Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, then the president, what was the guarantee that the armed forces would not stage another coup? His reply was: My men would face tanks on the streets and not allow the military to seize power. He was proved wrong. There was not enough resistance to stop General Zia-ul Haq from walking in. Still the martial law he imposed was opposed by even members of the civil society and nearly 100,000 people went to jail. Many received lashes and among them were journalists.
The Movement for Restoration of Democracy petered out because the conclave of political parties supporting it fell apart. Zia also played a religious card. No doubt, people have this time defeated the religious parties, reducing their strength to only three members in the National Assembly. Still the madrassas, the curriculum in schools and the Taliban's propaganda continues to brainwash the youth.
True, the Pakistan Peoples Party, chaired by Asif Ali Zardari has clean credentials on this count. And so has Nawaz Sharif's party to a large extent. But the unity between the two is lessening. Official spokesman Sherry Rahman admits that "there is a crisis." Religious elements can exploit the situation. The parties in the opposition, particularly the Muslim League (Quaide), can widen the gulf if it sees the crack appearing. And one should not underrate President Pervez Musharraf who has been the law unto himself.
Keeping its distance
The military, sitting in the wings, is following the scenario carefully. I found Nawaz unequivocal on the military's role. He wanted it to be apolitical and cited the example of India to emphasise the point. However, the PPP was equivocal when it came to talking about the military. The party felt satisfied that it had distanced itself from politics. It was apparent that the government did not want to do anything to "disturb" the military and its retired hands from the business and the lands they possess. "We start from the day we assumed power," says Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani.
Differences over the military are not the only point of irritation between PPP and the Muslim League (N). The raging battle is on the reinstatement of some 60 judges, including Chief Justice Iftikar Chaudhry. Both agreed to restore them to their position straightaway and made this public through the Murree Declaration. But the PPP has changed its stand a bit. It has made the reinstatement of judges a part of the constitutional package to be placed before the National Assembly for approval. However, Nawaz continues to demand the immediate restoration of judges.
This has created an embarrassing situation between Zardari and Nawaz. But both rule out the parting of ways because they can see the dangerous elements lurking on the sidelines, sharpening their knives. When I asked Nawaz Sharif if another election was in the offing, he said "we shall complete the full five-year term."
Nawaz Sharif was more keyed up on the impeachment of President Musharraf. The morning I met him, the newspapers had carried an interview by retired Lt Gen Jamshed Gulzar Kiyani blaming Musharraf for the Kargil debacle, the surrender before the US threat of pushing Pakistan into the stone-age and the destruction of Lal Masjid at Islamabad by chemical weapons.
I found some retired army brass admitting in public their mistakes and demanding the exit of Musharraf. Had he been sent out within a few days of Gilani assuming power, the restoration of judges would have been less of a problem.
In the midst of all this, I heard different voices on the solution of Kashmir. Gilani wants to have trade and business with India but favours a parallel movement on Kashmir. Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, a strong advocate of people-to-people contact, told me that such steps have their limit. The Kashmir solution would bury the hatchet once and for all.
A left-of-the Centre Chaudhari Manzoor, Zardari's right-hand man, says that the strength of Pakistan's armed forces has to be reduced to find money for the people's welfare and for that "we have to talk to India." He wants New Delhi to cut its forces in proportion to that of Pakistan.
Zardari, whom I phoned at Dubai, made no secret of his desire to link Pakistan with India's economy. "By aligning ourselves with you, an economic superpower, we shall also swim," Zardari told me. "Your ports are congested while we have a string of them to handle all your business."
Kuldip Nayar is a former Indian High Commissioner to the UK and a former Rajya Sabha MP.
